Monday, December 30, 2013

Book Review: The Communist Horizon by Jodi Dean

After being impressed by Jodi Dean's performance in this Occupy Wall Street era panel discussion, I decided to pick up one of her recent books, The Communist Horizon.  While I think she makes plenty of essential points in this book, I don't think the arguments she forwards necessarily lead to her conclusion of the present necessity for a Leninist vanguard party.  But, in general, I mostly agree with her framing of the issues, which is needed to break out of the contemporary brain-dead mainstream rhetorical shackles regarding communism.

Jodi Dean frames communism as "the basic principle [of] from each according to ability, to each according to need" (15) and believes that "The premise of communism is that collective determination of collective conditions is possible, if we want it."(15-16)  Not only is this economic and social alternative desirable and possible, she argues, but necessary given the current crises: "the absence of a common goal is the absence of a future [other than apocalyptic ones]." (15)

Given the clear and attractive alternative that communism provides, Dean observes, it is notable that "capitalists, conservatives, and liberal-democrats... premise political discussion on the repression of the communist alternative." (6-7)  She draws the line between communists and these others by the standard of believing that "any evocation of communism should come with qualifications, apologies and condemnations of past excesses." (7)

A useful chapter in the book ridicules the simplistic appeals to history to discredit the idea of communism.  First, Dean points out that the equation of "communist = Soviet = Stalinist" (31) eliminates discussion of the "wide array of other [really-existing] communisms." (29) The oft-recited slanders of "communism - Soviet Union - Stalinism - collapse" (32) and "if Lenin, then Stalin; if revolution, then gulag; if Party, then purges" (34-35) elicit Dean's ire: "The oddity of this position is that communism is unique in its determining capacity, the one political arrangement capable of eliminating contingency and directing action along a singular vector." (35)

Perhaps it is true that communism per se inevitably results in nightmarish consequences, but that is a much more involved argument than pointing out that it happened once in particular historical circumstances.  Questions such as What is communism?  Was the USSR communist?  What other communisms existed?  What "went wrong" in the USSR's historical development?  Why did the USSR collapse? What other communisms could possibly exist? deserve to be debated seriously rather than brusquely brushed off with a false narrative of capitalist triumphalism.

Dean reserves some of her best barbs for others on the Left, who can't seem to put two and two together: "Left melancholics lament the lack of political alternatives when the real political alternative is the one whose loss determines their aimlessness -- communism." (54)  She also opines that "for leftists to refer to their goals as a struggle for democracy is strange.  It is a defense of the status quo, a call for more of the same." (57)  Dean comes to the conclusion that "As long as it restricts itself to the conceptual vocabulary of individualism and democracy inhabited by the Right, as long as it disperses collective energy into fleeting aesthetic experiences and procedural accomplishments, the Left will continue to lose the battle for equality." (60)

The book loses steam in the middle in the midst of academic debates with other leftist thinkers.  It is clear that Dean views the book, at least in part, as an intervention into contemporary academic debates about communism.  As such, she cites a number of writers (Zizek, Lacan, Badiou, Agamben Ranciere, Hallward, Hardt, Negri, Lukács...) to stake out her positions. However, this detracts from both the readability of the book and, in my view, the relevance: Dean spins her wheels battling opponents on esoteric points rather than tightly advocating for the relevance of communism as an idea.  Her reverence for Zizek and her desire to bring psychoanalysis into her argument produce horrors such as, "In a close engagement with Catherine Malabou's discussion of severe brain injuries, Zizek discusses the logic of dialectical transitions: 'After negation/alienation/loss, the subject 'returns to itself,' but this subject is not the same as the substance that underwent the alienation -- it is constituted in the very movement of returning to itself.'" (202)  This book was about communism, again, right?

Dean next examines the "communicative capitalism" of the current era.  She writes, "Networked information technologies have been the means through which people have been subjected to the competitive intensity of neoliberal capitalism." (124)  As evidence, she cites "the freedom of 'telecommuting' quickly morphed into the tether of 24/7 availability, permanent work" (125) and the fact that "ever more tasks and projects are conducted as competitions" (139) as well as noting a distinct shift "from wages to prizes" (140).  In a statement that should ring true for anyone on Facebook, Dean opines that "Demands on our attention, injunctions for us to communicate, participate, share -- ever shriller and more intense -- are like so many speed-ups on the production line." (142-143)

Dean ends the book with some well-considered critiques of Occupy and a less thought-out advocacy of the Leninist party.  She praises Occupy for the accomplishment of making the Left say "we" again (212) but cautions that an "ideology of leaderlessness breeds suspicion." (228)  She laments the "delegation without delegation" (236) that results from the perception that no one is in charge.  Dean is uncertain "that autonomy, fragmentation, and dispersion can substitute for solidarity" (236) and pans Occupy rhetoric that causes people to "lose confidence in anything but the local and the community-based." (238)  She mocks the movement's claims to "openness," believing it to be a euphemism for the "refusal of divisive ideological content." (208)

The last ten pages are spent discussing the Leninist party -- "a vehicle for maintaining a specific gap of desire, the collective desire for collectivity." (207)  While I agreed with much of Dean's writing up until this point, the consideration of if a party is necessary and, if so, what kind of party it should be, is rushed.  Clearly this question deserves major contemplation, and indeed there have been, historically, many points of view on the party.  In fairness, I doubt Dean considers her book the last word on the subject.  I also wonder what party Dean herself is a member of, or advocating for, or if instead she is only intellectually endorsing the idea of a Leninist party.

In sum, psychoanalysis and esoterica aside, Dean's book critically inveighs against cartoonish ideas of communism, held both by the mainstream and the non-communist left.  An openness to the consideration of the idea of communism is the first step to actually implementing it as a system.  These debates are especially pressing, now that "the future of capitalism is [] highly uncertain -- and for capitalists, grim." (52)

(One interesting data point Dean mentions is this 2012 Pew poll: "Rising Share of Americans see Conflict Between Rich and Poor")

Sunday, December 8, 2013

Book Review: The Fall of Paris by Alistair Horne

I recently flipped through Alistair Horne’s The Fall of Paris: The Siege and The Commune 1870-71 to brush up on an important epoch in revolutionary history.  The siege, which came at the end of the Franco-Prussian War, and the Paris Commune which grew out of the siege’s aftermath are significant for a number of reasons.  First, the Commune was a decisive influence on Lenin and the Bolsheviks.  In Horne’s words, “Without the lessons and legends derived from the Commune, there would probably have been no successful Bolshevik Revolution in 1917.” (15)  Second, it migrated the center of power in mainland Europe from France to the newly created German Empire -- consecrated at Versailles during the siege -- with the German victory passing Alsace-Lorraine into its hands.  Third, the Commune is a notable data point in urban revolt and socialist governance.  Fourth, the civil war that would eventually destroy the Commune and much of Paris was a shockingly bloody event.

Horne provides the following narrative to make sense of the destruction:

In purely military terms, Paris fell twice in the space of six months; first to Bismarck, secondly to the French Government forces under Thiers.  But she also fell in more than one sense; pride, as well as her traditional role of being the prime centre of European power, were involved (the latter never to be restored), and finally there was the grim fall of morality that accompanied the repression of the Commune. (xviii)


Certainly no nation in modern times, so replete with apparent grandeur and opulent in material achievement, has ever been subjected to a worse humiliation in so short a time. (14)

The impressive Great Exhibition of 1867 that opens the book demonstrated the heights of grandeur from which Paris fell.  At the time France and Paris were rapidly modernizing: industrializing, urbanizing, and implementing Haussmann’s urban plan for Paris (which was partially intended to minimize the risk of future urban revolts).  

All this would be temporarily interrupted by the Franco-Prussian War, which Emperor Napoleon III (aka Louis-Napoléon) was goaded into declaring on Prussia by Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck, who wanted a war to bring about German unification.  The dispute arose from an insult contained in the Bismarck-edited Ems Telegram; Horne quotes a French historian as commenting, “Never had an international cataclysm been unleashed over such a futile pretext.” (37)

France seriously underestimated the capability of Prussia’s military, and quickly found itself on the defensive.  After the decisive Battle of Sedan in which Napoleon III was captured, Paris mobs enraged at the news of the defeat swept into action on September 4th, 1870.  They stormed first the legislative building and then city hall to seize power; the Second Empire ended and the Third Republic began.  Trochu, popular with the public for his criticism of the French army before the war, accepted the post of President.

The new government prepared for the inevitable siege.  One fateful measure was conscripting and arming the Paris National Guard, which swelled to 350,000 members.  The government “trained them and armed them insufficiently to be of any military value, but just enough to constitute the most potent revolutionary threat the nineteenth century had yet seen.” (229)  The National Guard would become the “storm-centre of the Left,” (92) participating in much agitation throughout the next few months.

After several tense demonstrations in front of city hall in October, on the 31st a spontaneous demonstration erupted in the same location.  The crowd, furious at the triple disasters of Le Bourget, Metz, and news of an armistice proposal, thrust Blanqui, Flourens and other Left leaders into a chaotic scene inside city hall.  After protracted negotiations, the government agreed to hold immediate elections and to not retaliate against the demonstrators, ending the standoff peacefully.  The government partially reneged on the deal by rounding up several Left leaders / demonstrators shortly thereafter.  This betrayal, along with the elections eventually producing an ultra-conservative government and January 22nd’s government massacre of demonstrators in front of city hall embittered the Left.

The new government and its President, Theirs, further inflamed the passions of Paris by allowing the triumphant Germans to march through the city and by passing financial laws “as cruel as they were stupid.” (260)  At this point Parisians took matters into their own hands.  The National Guard seized a store of cannon and organized a Central Committee which began to openly defy the government.  When Theirs ordered the army in to recoup the cannon on March 18th, his regulars fraternized with the National Guard and eventually ended up executing two of their own generals.  Theirs and the government fled to Versailles while Brunel unfurled a red flag from the city hall belfry.  Thus, “For the first time since ‘93, revolutionaries were the undisputed masters of Paris.” (276)

On March 26th, Paris voted the Commune into power.  The Commune, as Horne puts it, initially “was little more than a slogan with no ideology, no programme, constantly glancing over its shoulder to 1793.” (294)  Composed mostly of Jacobins (headed by Delescluze) and Blanquists with a sprinkle of Internationalists (Karl Marx’s followers) and others, the Commune pursued policies that were a “mixture of incredibly irrelevant trivia and genuine attempts to right social injustices.” (330)  Splits developed over the Jacobin formation of a Committee of Public Safety, which the Internationalists opposed.  Some members also were aghast at the excesses of Prefect of Police Rigault (“An Eichmann or Beria born before his time” (299)).  Despite the revolutionary rhetoric and social reform, Parisians “were agreeably surprised at how normal life in Paris still seemed to be.” (304)  However, the Commune consistently avoided the issue of the crushing peace terms meted out by the Germans. (332)  One of the Commune’s “most memorable, as well as most pointless” (349) acts was the tearing down of the Vendôme Column.

After commencing a second siege of the city, Theirs’ army entered Paris on May 21st.  The Communards at the barricades were no match for the regulars, and the Commune was ruthlessly crushed during the “Bloody Week.”  Much of Paris burned during the reconquest, and the body count eclipsed either the Reign of Terror or the 1917 Revolution (380) clocking in at about 25,000 dead.  Horne comments that “[The Bloody Week] provided a terrible example of how swiftly a civil, urban conflict can become degraded into such unbridled ferocity.” (418)

The Commune’s experience captured the imagination of Marx who chronicled it in The Civil War in France.  Lenin would study the lessons of the Commune, believing its two great mistakes to be the failure to seize the Bank in Paris (thus allowing Thiers’ army to be financed, among other consequences) and the failure to crush the Versailles-based government immediately after it fled Paris, when it was most vulnerable.  In short, “To Lenin and his followers, the supreme lesson of the Commune was that the only way to succeed was by total ruthlessness.” (432)

To me, the greatest mistake of the Commune, and of the French of 1870-1 generally, is the inability to appreciate new developments in technology and society and the consequent refusal to abandon past strategies and tactics as antiquated and ineffective.  Paris’ ideas that the French could repel foreign invaders by a levée en masse style attack of a century previous, or that barricades and muskets wielded by flaky amateurs can defeat professional soldiers with rifles and artillery moving along grand boulevards proved to be dreadfully wrong -- courage is no substitute for competence.  

On the other hand, the Commune got a lot of things right.  It rode a wave of popular discontent to power, had wide legitimacy as the result of democratic elections, capably administered a city in wartime, pursued admirable social reforms, collaborated relatively well given the diverse political philosophies present and the absence of likely leaders (such as Blanqui, who was in prison), kept repression to a minimum and inspired with its proclamations and actions.

Horne’s writing assumes decent background knowledge of French language, French history and French geography, so understanding the details of the narrative can sometimes be difficult (and provides a chance to brush up on one’s French).  He clearly has expertise in French/German conflict history, given the multitude of references to other French events and personalities, but all of the foreshadowing and name-dropping can border on irritating.  A parallel he often, helpfully, invokes for comparison is the Siege of Leningrad.  Horne also takes many extended excerpts from first-person accounts.  Clearly he has done research that he wants to show off, but this can break up the flow of the reading.  All things considered, it is a decently written work of history.

Monday, November 11, 2013

Why the "Boycott the Privacy Violating Internet Corporations" Argument Doesn't Work

In a previous blog post I critiqued the problematic argument that American companies’ collaboration with National Security Agency (NSA) would cause them to lose business to companies in other countries.  In this post I would like to critique a similar argument, that privacy-violating companies will lose business to other non-privacy violating companies.  Or that, stated another way, people can boycott privacy-violating Internet services in order to safeguard their privacy online.  (I would like to mention and thank members of Restore The Fourth SF and @RancidTarzie, with whom I have had conversations that inspired this post.)

The case was made, for one, by Brian Fung of The Washington Post in his post Yes, there actually is a huge difference between government and corporate surveillance:

In a functioning marketplace, boycotting a company that you dislike — for whatever reason — is fairly easy. Diners who object to eating fake meat can stop frequenting Taco Bell. Internet users that don't like Google collecting their search terms can try duckduckgo, an anonymous search engine.

Sounds great, right?  The beauty of the “free market” is that one can simply discard these privacy-violating bad corporate actors with an informed consumer choice.  Unfortunately, things aren’t that simple.

First, finding substitutes to one’s favorite services can be difficult; the ease varies on a case-by-case basis.  For instance, finding a feature-comparable substitute for Google web search, [1] such as duckduckgo, is easy.  Finding a feature-comparable substitute for Gmail is much more difficult.  Sure, there are many other services that offer email (Riseup for example), but Gmail’s other features (indexing mail history for search, built-in contacts, built-in chat, video chat, etc.) to my knowledge are not offered by a purported privacy-respecting email service.

In the case of a service that exploits network effects (that is, the service is only useful to the extent that other people other use the service, such as a telephone network or social network), there is no substitute because of the monopoly the service has on your contacts.  Leaving Facebook to join another privacy-respecting social network is worthless unless all of your friends and family make the migration with you.  This is a serious option for a vanishingly small number of people.  

There is also the issue of data portability, the lack of which can tie one to a service in a similar way.  (I suppose if we want to get pedantic about it, the social network stickiness problem is just a special case of the web service stickiness problem in which the data is your social graph.)  If there is no way of getting years of invested data out of the service and into another one easily, the switch is impossible and therefore will not be made.

Second, based on recent disclosures, we can pretty much safely assume that the NSA is monitoring, more or less, the entire Internet.  Even if one switches to all open-source software, uses ad-blocking and tracking-thwarting browser plugins, refuses unencrypted connections when possible, etc., some traffic is, under current Internet architecture, fundamentally unencrypted.  This includes the metadata of a web request / response, email contents, [2] DNS requests, etc.  In short, technical limitations in Internet technology itself prevent one from dropping off NSA’s map entirely (unless one simply refuses to use the Internet, and maybe not even then).

Third, boycotts require that consumers know that the to-be-boycotted entity is doing some unsavory activity that the consumers want to pressure it to end.  Unfortunately, one of the problems with Internet surveillance is the secrecy -- both intentional and unintentional -- that pervades the entire government/corporate monitoring empire.  One news story can turn today’s corporation boasting about respecting privacy and individual rights -- as they all do -- into tomorrow’s hated surveillance collaborator.

The dynamics of corporate / government relations in the United States are such that a company really has no choice but to collaborate in surveillance when the government comes calling.  Recall the protestations of the lackeys of an exposed corporate-government alliance: “But we need to follow the law!”  But the government has more screws to twist than that: antitrust regulations, taxation and regulation, issuing of government contracts, and -- of course -- punitive legal retaliation. [3]  Which is what makes the threat of a switch from one monopolist to another (“I’ve had enough of your privacy violations, GMail!  I’m switching to Hotmail!”) such an idle one.  Small companies such as Lavabit which have the ability (as only small companies do) and courage (which few of any size posses) to defy the government when approached are rare.

Fourth, and I’ll bold this because it is a point so often glossed over, there is a fundamental trade-off between convenience and privacy.  You can’t recall your web search history if Google doesn’t store it.  You can’t search for times you discussed Teletubbies over email if you don’t let GMail index your email.   You can’t skip the toll lines on the Bay Bridge if you don’t have a FastTrack pass that records every time you cross the bridge.  You can’t get a loan if a rating agency has not monitored your past debt transactions -- that is, your credit history.  So those that pine for absolute privacy should be careful about what they wish for; many likely don’t understand the downsides. [4]

Fifth, simply switching to another service does not mean that the service switched from purges the information you gave to them (or that they have otherwise accumulated on you).  What happens in most cases is that the company just flips a bit in the database specifying your account has been deactivated, but the data nonetheless remains.  This data is valuable to them both in the case in which you rejoin the service and as an asset to sell to third parties.  Speaking of which, your data is traded around in ways that you are not even aware of, between ad networks, data brokers, and other services. [5]

To sum up, we’re at the point where nearly all large Internet corporations are suspected of collaborating with government in violating personal privacy in some way.  Substitutes to these services are partial, difficult or nonexistent -- and there is no guarantee that the substitutes are not also compromised.  We should get rid of this fantasy of consumer choice via boycotting as a means of reclaiming control over our information.  The problems are much more systemic than that, and demand a much more comprehensive fix.

(Just for the sake of clarity: I do advocate using free software -- as in libre, not gratis -- and other privacy-respecting services and technologies where possible.  But the point is “where possible” is a small and ever-shrinking domain for most people.)

[1] Not accounting for Google’s most likely more comprehensive index that they can compile given their vastly superior computing and human resources.

[2] That is, unless one uses PGP to encrypt the contents of email, but under those conditions the metadata could still be monitored.  Besides, this is a pretty impractical solution for anyone that is not highly technologically competent.

[3] See Digital Disconnect, especially chapter 5.

[4] I recommend Blown to Bits for further elaboration on this point.

[5] See No Place to Hide for more information on data brokers.

UPDATE: Boycotting certain companies on the Internet, for instance Google, is nearly impossible because of their multiple properties and pervasiveness. Besides operating Google web search, YouTube, Blogger, Orkut, Google+, Google Maps, Google News, etc., and the software they release: Chrome, Android, etc., they also run an advertising network that tracks you everywhere you go. Incidentally, the NSA piggybacks on this network to ID individuals. Almost every site but the largest and smallest run some kind of Google Analytics on their site. Software -- not even Google software -- routinely pings Google without the most users' knowledge. Really, there is no escaping Google cookies on the Internet. (Unless, of course, one is willing to turn off cookies entirely, but have fun using the Internet without being able to log into any website!)

Saturday, November 9, 2013

Book Review: Battle Cry of Freedom by James McPherson

In fits and starts over the past several months, I have slogged my way through James McPherson’s tome Battle Cry of Freedom, a single-volume history of the Civil War.  McPherson begins with several chapters of background context before launching into the meat of the military conflict.  Since the Civil War was a complex historical event and “by a large margin the most written-about event in American history,” (ix) McPherson has a lot of ground to cover and many historical debates (sometimes populated by truly loopy Confederate apologists) to address.  He does, however, handle the task ably, elucidating the important points in a manner which is quite accessible to a Civil War history newbie.  I will run through the main takeaways I got from the book here.

The outbreak of the Civil War took place in an America -- especially a North -- experiencing the rapid changes of the Industrial Revolution: widening inequality, rapid expansion in territory and population and economic growth, a shift to production for market rather than the home, German and Irish Catholic immigration (and resultant nativist backlash), the Second Great Awakening and its resultant strands (abolitionism, temperance), intense urbanization, the transportation revolution, the invention of the telegraph and consequent increase in newspaper circulation, rising educational standards, the emergence of “childhood,” the increasing role of romance in life and literature, etc.  

McPherson spends an interesting section of the first chapter describing the resistance to industrialization.  A significant portion of laborers felt that “capitalism was incompatible with republicanism” and promoted “wage slavery.” (24)  Other opposition came through populists in the Jacksonian Democratic party, who were wary of being drawn into the financial/commercial apparatus of the emerging industrial society.  The ideology of upward economic mobility, preached by Lincoln and others, however, came to dissipate much of this potential class conflict.

The acquisition of new territory via the Mexican-American War precipitated a debate over slavery that snowballed into the Civil War.  A dispute over which newly incorporated states should be “free” and which “slave” caused a political realignment along geographic North-South lines.  The Compromise of 1850 -- including the controversial Fugitive Slave Act -- addressed this issue but only postponed the war by a decade.  Violence sparked by the issue of slavery in Kansas and at Harpers Ferry polarized the country.  Abraham Lincoln’s election on the Republican Party -- founded on opposition to the expansion of slavery -- ticket in 1860 over the fractured Democratic opposition caused southern states to secede and form the Confederacy the next year.  Hostilities commenced with the southern attack on Fort Sumter.

The Civil War saw dramatic changes in military tactics and technology.  The wide use of rifles (instead of smoothbores) increased the accuracy and range of the infantry’s bullets.  These weapons rendered old fashioned tactics of infantry columns, cavalry charges, and offensive artillery obsolete; they also “multiplied casualties and strengthened the tactical defensive.” (475)  Defensive tactics such as trenches and barricades made military offensives difficult and costly.  Indeed, McPherson remarks, “The tactical predominance of the defense helps explain why the Civil War was so long and bloody.” (477)

On the medical front, “The Civil War marked a milestone in the transformation of nursing from a menial service to a genuine profession,” (484) notably incorporating many women.  The North organized a special ambulance corps to assist treating the wounded.  Regardless, a Civil War soldier was eight times more likely to die of a wound than an American soldier in World War I and twice as many soldiers died of disease than combat. (485)  This owed in large part to the fact that the Civil War was fought “at the end of the medical Middle Ages” (486) just before a number of important medical breakthroughs.

Abraham Lincoln’s views on slavery, racism and leadership were complicated.  His commonly-remembered image as a liberator contrasts to some of his words: “‘the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate [slavery’s] evils;’” (55) “‘I am not, nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races;’” (186) “‘I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.’” (186)  (All of these quotes were uttered before his presidency.)  He also attempted to address the issue of freed slaves during the war by shipping them to a black island colony near Haiti!  On the other hand, this is also the man who issued the Emancipation Proclamation and oversaw the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment.  So while Lincoln certainly didn’t have as identifiable and strong anti-racist convictions as, say, William Lloyd Garrison or Frederick Douglass, he ended up as a de facto abolitionist by the end of his life.  Who, exactly, deserves credit for Lincoln’s transformation is a matter for historical debate.  McPherson, for one, holds Lincoln in high esteem, complimenting his tactful leadership and pithy prose and oratory throughout the book.

In the epilogue, McPherson is reluctant to endorse a master narrative of why the North won the war.  The superior numbers and resources of the North can’t be determinative, as the South was fighting a defensive war on its own territory, primarily, and military history is replete with examples of David beating Goliath.  Internal divisions or “lack of morale” explanations are not very convincing either, seeing as how fractious and demoralized both sides were at times.  The explanation of superior leadership fails as well, since both sides had varying degrees of competence in senior positions; even some of the war’s most revered heroes bumbled occasionally.  Instead, McPherson points out that the war’s outcome was far from determined since there were multiple turning points when fortune could have swayed either way.

The outcomes of the war are clearer, and constitute a second American revolution.  The Civil War strengthened the federal government (creation of the Internal Revenue Service, birth of a central banking system, enactment of conscription, elimination of state currencies, expansion of federal judicial powers, spawning of the Freedman’s Bureau -- the first national social welfare agency) and many henceforth conceived of the United States as a nation, not a union of disparate states.  There was a “sharp and permanent change in the direction of American [political and economic] development” (860) from the aristocratic, patriarchal, agricultural, quasi-feudal South (which had two thirds of its assessed wealth destroyed (818)) to the industrial, capitalist, urbanizing North.  And, of course, the Civil War eliminated the institution of slavery, closed the possibility of secession, and set the stage for the Reconstruction Era in the South.

McPherson spends very little time talking about the consequences and effects of the war, in contrast to the many chapters spent on the causes.  Spending a few chapters on the immediate aftermath of the war would have been welcome, as the book ends somewhat abruptly.  Otherwise, it’s a very well-written page turner that truly merits all the praise that has been heaped upon it.  

(There are other interesting historical facts, events and figures that I could highlight from the book, but the number of them is so high that I don’t think I could do all of them justice in a short blog post!  I encourage picking up some literature about this fascinating period in history instead!)